Sri Akal Takhat Sahib and MIRI-PIRI
Miri-Piri and Sri Akal Takhat Sahib are twin concepts and are closely connected with the name of Guru Hargobind Sahib ji (1595-1644). The declaration of miri-piri is related to the time of 6th Nanak’s Gurgaddi (1606), basically a combination of two words miri (empirical reality) and piri (transcendental reality). Taking up as one word in Sikh spirit it represents harmonized-mystical-unity of bio-realities. With this it becomes a Sikh concept of social action along with spiritual values through constructive behavior and balanced living. Spiritual and temporal extremes are supposed to be resolved in it. Rightly observed about it in ‘The Encyclopedia of Sikhism, “The term represents for the Sikhs a basic principle which has influenced their religious and political thought and governed their social structure and behavior”(p 89, 2002). Roots of this concept can be traced in Bani. This supports that the Sikh-institutions are supposed to be conceived and expressed in the light of Bani (Sabd-Guru). Sri Akal Takhat Sahib is a role model institution. It is why all Sikh-concerns relating to social values are considered subordinate to spiritual power. So the divine sanctity for all Sikh-issues remained in perceiving these in the light of Bani.
Right from Guru Nanak Dev ji (1469-1539) the same spirit (joti) and same methodology (jugati) prevailed through ten Gurus (1539-1708). So it will not be easy to understand the Sikh-concerns if scholars opt for tenable historical facts sans spirit in the postmodern sense. Miri-Piri as concept can be traced back to the beginning period of Sikhism (15th century) though it was expressed in the present form at the times of Guru Hargobind Sahib. The references are there in Bani regarding the tension between religion and politics during the contemporary period of Gurus. The terrifying invasion of Babar (1578) was not only noticed but duly taken up by Guru Nanak and he boldly recorded in Bani about the contemporary politics that the dogs have laid waste the priceless country (GGS, p 360)1. The reasons for the happenings are also recorded by opining that the rulers of the time had wasted their conscience in marry-making (rang tamashe). It was not easy to opine that when Babar’s rule was proclaimed then eating with honor became impossible (GGS, p 417)2. Guru Nanak counted sovereignty, wealth, beauty, high cast and youth as cheaters (thug) (GGS, p 1288)3. Sikhism being a whole life religion politics no doubt is a part of it. Political terminology was frequently used in Bani when veneration of Gurus was needed such as true king (sacha patshah), king of kings (sir sahan de sahu) and Emperor (takhat baitha sodhi patshah). This became handy to the anti-Guru elements for instigating the rulers of the time. No doubt Amritsar was becoming a power centre for the Sikhs though in spiritual sense but this too was used against the Sikh movement. But the emerging fearless temper, consciousness of self respect and ready to fight for dignity among the Sikhs became real irritant for the rulers. In spite of all this politics of religion was never allowed by the Gurus. The often quoted couplet that the survival of religion is not possible without political power is a half truth because the operative part of the statement lies in the later half that the politics sans religion ends in chaos.4 This indicates towards the problems of institutionalized religion. Now in the present circumstances it can be understood as politics of management which will be discussed later.
At the time when the apparent contradictions between sacred and profane was being resolved by Sikh Gurus then at the same time contrary to this the contemporary rulers of Guru-period were caught between infidels or unbelievers (Dar-ul-Harab) and faithful or believers (Dar-ul-Islam). The onslaught in the name of Islam for the prevalence of Holy Law (Shariat) started by emperor Jahangir ended in the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev ji (1606). This was purely a politics of religion and detail of it is not possible here. But the issues relating to Sri Akal Takhat Sahib are directly related to it. It is easy to perceive that donning two swords (miri-piri) and followed by the creation of Sri Akal Takhat was in reaction to the martyrdom of Guru Arjan Dev ji. But the contextual approach of Sikhism remained proactive from the very beginning and the reactive behavior was not approved of even in history. Miri-Piri is in the continuity of the sikh spirit and in no way is one time happening limited to cause and affect.6 Not contesting the concepts like miri-piri in given Sikh perspective is the weakness of the custodians of Sikhism. It is why the relevance of Miri-Piri today is threatened more from inside (communitarian politics) and less from outside (contesting religions). Reducing miri-piri to the combination of politics and religion is ill-perceived and ill-advised. Sikhs are suffering it and from this can be concluded that politics in religious context is proved for practical purposes, a befooling game supported by innocent majority and there is no place for a man of God in it. The mutual-failing scenario of Akali Dal (B) and SGPC in the present context is the base for this observation. In this situation a man of God is apparently a minority always. But in Sikh spirit a man with God is always a majority (sava Lac). How can this be digested in democratic politics. It proves that power of politics lies in sincere ignorance and conscientious stupidity around, leading to a space for satanic assertions of a leader. From here the present relevance of Sri Akal Takhat is needed to be understood.
Akal Takhat is neither a building nor a management. It is spirit expressed through miri-piri. Miri-Piri in theoretical perspective is not a problem and the same was translated in Sikh history also. In Sikh literature mostly miri-piri has been presented in dhadhi-style, which is a history-specific presentation. It has been a source of emotional inspiration for the sikhs for political purposes. But its continuous presentation in spiritual perspective is not possible and due to this its continuous translation in history is also lacking. The reason is the domination of miri over the piri. Banda Bahadur (d.1716) performed in the spirit of miri-piri and continued to be a source of inspiration for the Panth even after his death. In his foot steps theocratic feudalism (1717-1765) was there and khalsa fought for Panthic honor in the guidance of Sabd-Guru (ghalugharas). From the miri-piri angle it was a role model period of Sikh struggle. Out of it emerged feudal-chief-ships (misls) within the community (1766-1798). But after it sikh-monarchy was established under the leadership of Maharaja Ranjit Singh (1799-1849). With this miri started dominating piri and this resulted in creating a space for colonial rule in Punjab. After annexation of Punjab (1849) Sikh community by and large was not happy with new rulers. Within two decades Singh Sabha Amritsar (1873) was established for the betterment of the Sikhs. Purpose was to reform the Sikh institutions. Among Sikh institutions, Gurdwara is a primary sikh institution and in crisis. Gurdwara is supposed to be the guiding centre for the Sikhs. Gurdwara by definition is “a school for students, guide for the seekers, hospital for patients, food-provider for hungry, fort for keeping the honor and a temporary stay for travelers” (M K, p 416, 1999)7. In the times of Sikh monarchy this institution started lapsing and mahant-system was the result of it. Sikhs paid the price for this with sacrifices during the Gurdwara reform movement. Victory of the Panth is considered to be a winning of third Anglo-Sikh war.
The contemporary colonial rulers were convinced after the peaceful movement of the Sikhs that the real custodians of Gurdwaras are Khalsa-Panth. In order to end for ever the enmity between the Sikhs and the Britishers the governor of Punjab at that time Sir Malcolm Hailey started consulting the Sikhs for the solution of the management problems in the Gurdwaras. Gurdwara Act 1925 was mutually agreed among the Sikhs and the colonial rulers. But with its passing a legally constituted committee of the Sikhs (SGPC) came into existence. No doubt that SGPC is a unique and the only one management model for religious institutions in the world perhaps but the possibilities of its political hijacking were/are always there. The act is silent about the role of Akal Takhat Sahib. From here start all the ills of institutional management. Supremacy within the framework of the act 1925 lies in the politics of counting the heads. This allowed the dominance of miri over piri. At present the situation is this that sgpc works under the fear of Akali Dal and Akal Takhat works under the fear of SGPC. It does not end here. Fear politics is dominating in all the sikh institutions. Sikhs are scared from Sri Akal Takhat and the AAkali Dals are fearing from the Sikhs as voters. It is not easy to find a circumference of this circular fear. The tragedy is that on one hand sikhs are supposed to be fearless but on the other hand the community is trapped in the dark tunnel of fear. Go on boasting as fearless in a dhadi style suits politicians only.
The sort of challenges are thrown by modernity, the sikhs as community are not prepared to face it. The role of the sikh leadership in this situation is not even worthy to lead in a needed manner. The question arises here that why leadership is helpless? In the spiritual sense it is divine curse which is being suffered by the community on behalf of their leadership. I am saying this on the authority of Bani that Akal Purakh never takes blame on Him and somebody is deputed to punish in a manner possible at a given time8. Though exceptions are there and the achievements by the sikh individuals in different fields are exemplary. But the way we are failing each other should not be overlooked. For example the ratio of apostasy and addiction in the community is much more than expected. Who should be blamed for all this? Every body is worried about ones own future even at the cost of communitarian welfare. It is why the communitarian concerns are neglected. Values are replaced by individual pains and pleasures. Basic concerns like miri-piri is part of value based theocratic culture but it has been replaced by need specific consumerist culture. The politics of personal welfare is consuming all the sikh sources. Politics these days is considered to be the short cut to prosperity but the same becomes unable to solve the problems of the community. Instead of planning and programming to take care for the problems of sikh youth, the marblisation of Gurdwaras is almost a industry in the hands of vested interests and the Gurdwara management is a willing party to it. With the open help of politicians, space for mafia culture is being created and the it is resulting in the possibilities of unholy alliances. Even the Bani is being allowed to be used for media market and cultural industry. All these are serious issues because money minting technologies are supposed to treat all the sacred things as commercial items.
In this context the fate of Sri Akal Takhat and miri-piri is not difficult to understand. The sacred concerns are being exploited for profane political purposes. Liberal politics of Akalis and liberal trade of religion by SGPC is a problem to be faced by the collective psyche of the sikhs. Sikh psyche is trapped in domineering liberal urge around for individual betterment. The opportunities for prosperity in Punjab are in descending order and the Punjabi youth either is desperate for hunting greener pastures available anywhere in alien lands or contesting the phantoms of neo rich Akali politicians for becoming rich. It is becoming difficult to decide with each passing day that among Sikhs who failed whom? Let us take the case of Akali Dal and SGPC. Both are failing each other. Akali Dal being a democratic political party in a secular system can not be Panthic in spirit and thrust as was envisaged in 1920. There is no doubt that Akali politics is being played at the cost of SGPC. Reason is that SGPC can neither be secular in assertion, nor can be democratic in a political manner like Akalis. Now the situation is that both SGPC and Akali Dal under their inherited compulsions are failing each other. From here starts the degeneration of Panthic institutions, of which miri-piri is primary.
It is natural to think that crisis of a community is supposed to generate a space for new movement. In eighties of 20th century a movement for Akali alternative was there. Akalis were forced to go for political hibernation. Election boycott of 1992 assembly elections in Punjab was not a decision of Akalis. For this apparent victory of the radical sikh leadership proved costly to the community along with the decision makers. Sikhs paid a heavy price for five years and this created a political space for Akalis again. We all know that in 1997 Akali Dal Badal stepped in for easy victory with the support of the Sikhs and the radical forces was marginalized completely in Akali regime. Now again a movement under the name of ‘Gurdwara reform movement second’ is started primarily against Akali Dal Badal by the splinter Akali groups. Agenda of the movement which is still at launching stage looks more political and less Panthic. Even at the time of SGPC elections in 2004 opposition of Badal group was there but that ended with the election results in favour of Badal. Need was and is of educating the sikhs at grass root level but sikhs for this are depending upon SGPC which has been completely hijacked by SAD(B) and becomes the real problem with self defeating situations. The basic structure of SGPC succumbs to all sorts of pressures except the spiritual and religious ones. At community level as indicated earlier problem is of tension between individual betterment and communitarian welfare. Volunteering sikh spirit is misdirected under the political and social pressures around. Even the Panthic concerns are hijacked to the extent that everything looks blurred. We are to understand that Panth is not limited to an ideal social set up. It is an unending struggle for unending possibilities (Khalsa soi kare nit jang). Continuous struggle is also needed for reconciling the welfare of all (sarbat da bhala) and Khalsa spirit will rule (raj karega Khalsa). It is in continuity of devotion (bhagati) and power (shakati) which later on developed into miri and piri. This is the spirit of sacrificing for others aspirations and conflicting dreams around. Role model for this is 9th Nanak but sikhs lived this spirit in history also. The way Akali politicians muddled the sacred religious concerns with political profane is a challenge to be faced today. Still they are trying to mislead the sikhs again with vested politics of religion. They have successfully created the impression among the innocent sikhs that Akali victory is a Panthic victory (Panth ki jeet) and political crisis of Akalis is a crisis of Panth (Panth khatre vich).
It is not difficult to understand that preaching is not education and the sikhs are to be educated that the struggle for democratizing the socio-economic concerns of contemporary community and the values related to it is the need of the day. The change around has affected us and we can not wish away the fast emerging consumerist culture in sikh families. For example the cursing phrase ‘to be destitute’ (chulleh ag na balni) is no more a curse now because neither hearth is there nor woods are used for cooking. So re-reading of basic concepts like miri-piri should be a part of agenda with the sikhs. The over dependence on a particular section of the society will be relapsing into the cast system like social again. Have you ever reviewed your over dependence on ardasia, kirtania and pathhi? This attitude is leading to immunity for dependence, which is not sikh like. So we are in for suffering the failures of others because of our over depending temper. At the same time even the academic institutions are also not serving the sikh cause on expected lines. Reasons are there but reviewing approach by the community is lacking. The space created in this situation is a challenging problem because we are immune to depend upon what ever is available. Dr. Hew Mcleod observes with reference to Bhai Gurdas (26/24) and Bhai Kahan Singh Nabha (MK, p 198) that ‘donning of two symbolic swords attracted criticism’. Further he terms piri a continuing spiritual authority which he (6th Nanak) inherited from his five predecessors. But miri for him is ‘newly assumed temporal power’. This is misleading as he jumps to the conclusion that ‘the Panth was to become more than an assembly of the devout, and its Guru was thereafter to wield an authority more expansive than that of his predecessors’ (Who is Sikh? page, 24). Keeping in view the authorities quoted, it is difficult to agree with him. Var 26 of Bhai Gurdas is about Guru in sikh context and the 24th pauri is about the immediate and apparent perception of miri-piri around. This is duly answered in the last two lines of the same 24th pauri. Mcleod perhaps deliberately overlooked this part. It is clearly said there that truth can not be shadowed for long, Sikh’s love for Guru finds the truth like flower sucking black bee (bhaur) and bearing the unbarred is the secret of Guru9. Context of this pauri is needed to be understood along with next 25th pauri. In it the doubts about miri-piri are cleared by equating miri with fencing/hedging the crop. It is also said that rare or priceless things are to be guarded and obstacles can be crossed with the strength of love10. It becomes clear that Mcleod is out to prove his theses which he perceived in his contemporary compulsions, deliberately ignoring the perspective in which miri-piri and Akal Takhat ware expressed in history. It is why for him Akal Takhat represented the same ideal as the doctrine of miri-piri. This he is doing for his bias that ‘Akal Takhat also serves to represent the growing militancy of the Panth and reflect a transformed Panth’ (ibid, p24). There is no need of telling that Bhai Gurdas and Bhai Kahan Singh Nabha either are not understood in the context or misquoted deliberately.
Here I humbly submit that innocent ignorance of dhadis with their tilted assertions often played havoc with the sikh perspectives. The same is being repeated with reference to Bani by the newly emerged kirtan-class among the sikhs. Have you ever heard within past decade any head of a sikh institution talking Sikh-perspective? Better we leave it here and try to grapple with the perspective and position of Sri Akal Takhat Sahib and miri-piri.
Through Sabad-technology (Sabad-Guru), in the field of religion, the captive-psyche of pre-Guru-period was first transformed into sikh-temper and then the same was expressed in history in a continuous manner. It worked well up to the formation of SGPC along with Akali Dal in the third millennium of 21st century (1925). Both the organizations worked well up to the partition of India but after that both are boasting for managing the earnings and assets of Gurdwaras without caring for the spirit and legacy of Granth and Panth. The reffered managerial control is limited to the management of sources and labor which is less in Khalsa spirit and more in left technique (if lefts have no objection to it and is Okayed by RSS also). I want to say with this that the management through SGPC at present is not participatory because the effected sikhs are neither consulted nor heard before reaching the decisions directly concerning them. Now the crying need is to prepare the fast emerging captive psyche of the Sikhs, for .liberal and democratic participation at sangat level in the beginning, aiming at collective assertion of the sikhs. No doubt the present sikh leadership is responsible for our slippery present which is bound to be followed by blind future. But if we try to think that who allowed them to do all this then none of us will be able to escape the responsibility. Thank God that SGPC is limited to Punjab only and the sikhs even from Haryana and Himachal defeated the present group in power in 2004. DSGMC at Delhi is already slipped from the hands of Punjab Akalis. Sikhs are now a global community and Punjab (jeenda Guru de naam te) is there where sikhs are. But unfortunate part is this that Akalis are in position and can affect the global Sikh psyche through Sri Akal Takhat. So there is a need of liberating the Sikhs from becoming the captive vote bank of politicians in Punjab, without which Sri Akal Takhat can not be operative in the spirit it was perceived by Guru Hargobind Sahib. Let me allow to say that politics at present (miri specificity) is a cancer of religion for the sikhs in particular and all the believers in general. Politics is destined to reach the political fiefdom or a syndicate of the few. It can easily be understood with reference to Akalis of any hew. Begging in politics does not work. In this situation Akalis will have to be forced to allow the Sikhs to go for a movement. Like proverbial parrot story the power of Sikh politicians lie in SGPC or mismanagement of the institutions, through which they have converted the institutions for their convenience into an institution for satisfying the political hunger of limited sikhs. So need is of redeeming the primary sikh institutions from political and commercial exploitations. If we go on talking once a while for a political alternative then the SGPC will be bound to remain a tool for exploiting regularly Sri Akal Takhat, sikh heritage and sikh history, along with the khalsa traditions and Sri Guru Granth Sahib (Granth and Panth) through the commercialization of Bani. All sorts of fights among sikh politicians result in the damage of Sri Akal Takhat ultimately. Jathedar and building of Sri Akal Takhat should not be confused with the spirit of Sri Akal Takhat Sahib here. It is not a matter of mental gymnastic only though it can be a starting step in present situation. But we will have to struggle for redemption of the Sikhs and sikh institutions because the redemption of these lies in the redemption of the Sri Akal Takhat Sahib.
Miri-Piri is a continuity of harmonious expression of devotion (bhakti) and power (shakti) by the sikhs and for the sikhs. Through this has resolved the dichotomy of asceticism in spiritual context and withdrawal from empirical life which is still basic to so many religions. It was a new thesis given by the Sikh Gurus for the betterment of the mankind. Unfortunately it is still to be perceived as harmonized model for prevalence of spirituality in the needed areas (jagat jalanda rakh lai apni kirpa dhaar, M 3, p. 853). It is neither miri specificity nor piri specificity. Miri specificity will be limiting to the politics of religion and Aurangzeb is the role model for this. Piri specificity will be relapsing into asceticism and rishi tradition is the role model for this. So miri and piri in Khalsa context are the two shores of the flowing river of Sikhism. Role model for piri is Harimander Sahib and role model for miri is Akal Takhat Sahib. In theoretical perspective both are in the continuity of joti (spirit) and jugati (system) which was common factor among the ten Gurus.11 With this supporting evidence from Bani it is proved that right from the advent of Sikhism, organizational structure was built on these lines (joti and jugati). This is Granth and Panth expressed through representative institutions of the sikhs. Both are supportive to each other but priority is of piri always. Thus miri becomes the translation of piri in history. So history in sikh spirit can only be perceived in the light of Bani as the inspirational source of history. History devoid of spirit is history-specificity or history of the past which results in dogmatism. History is an ongoing need of the religion and its past and future lies in affecting the present. Religions are to be judged from the sort of human role model they have created. The uniqueness of Sikhism is also this that it has established the religion of present for the first time in the history of religions. All religions even now are rooted either in past or in future. Sikhism is for contesting present even at the cost of life (pahlan maran kabool….). It is a game of love and for this lover should be ready to die for it (sir deejay kaan naa keejai). It is total surrender to the commitment in an unending manner (vakhtai ooper larh marai). This is what Guru taught through Sri Akal Takhat and miri-piri. The spiritual source for it is Harimander Sahib and through Akal Takhat sahib its ongoing translation in history is assured. There are situations in which it looks that Khalsa concerns and institutional needs are not in harmony due to the politicization of khalsa concerns. But it should be clear that failure of the sikh/sikhs can not be taken as the failure of sikhi. Failure of the Sikhs is an independent issue which needs to be debated by the collective consciousness of the community. After this discussion miri-piri can now be termed as Akal Takhat followed and Akal Takhat is miri-piri respected. It is now perceived by the Sikhs as supplementing institutions. The heir custodian of this spirit is Khalsa-Panth, which should not be confused with any hue of sikh politicians. Placing miri in sikh perspective sirdar Kapur Singh rightly observed, “Why must Sikhs be such simpletons as to recommend for themselves renunciation of political power, against all canons of common sense, against all lessons of history, against the historical experience of sikh community, against the traditions set by their ancestors and against the teaching of the Guru.”
But much more is there as challenge for the community in the present circumstances. Role model of Miri is undoubtedly Banda Bahadur, its height was Maharaja Ranjit Singh and it reaches to its lowest with the Akali politicians in present times. Pre-election agenda with sikh politicians are Panth in danger but their post election or in power agenda becomes sans Panth. Panth for sikh politicicians is in winning the SGPC elections only. Till they command supremacy in SGPC, their befooling politics can not be checked. We will have to consider all this in the context of contesting Akalis in the coming Punjab assembly elections of February 2007. Sticking to the political positions prevailing at present among the Sikhs suits only SAD (B). Reducing the political possibilities to either Badal or radicals, till time helped Badal to capture the power. For the first time he is being contested in the spirit needs to be contested by the present chief minister of Punjab. With this the result will be either Badal or Amrinder. Badal is dying to make it either he or radicals. If he is allowed to succeed with our support or with our silence of what to me, then the possibilities of liberating Sri Akal Takhat will be blocked for coming decade at least. Now is the time for another Gurdwara reform movement which has already been launched in Punjab without caring much for its programming and planning? Let us rise above the vested politics and participate for liberation of Sikh-institutions from Akali politicians.
1. sRI gurU gRMQ swihb, 360
skqw sIhu mwry pY vgY KsmY sw prsweI]
rqn ivgwiV ivgoey kuqIN muieAW swr n kweI]
Agody jy cyqIAY qW kwieq imlY sjwie]
swhW suriq gvweIAw rMig qmwsY cwie]
bwbrvwxI iPir geI kuieru n rotI Kwie]
2. auhI, m.1, 1288
rwju mwlu rUpu jwiq jobnu pMjy Tg]
eynI TgIN jgu TigAw iknY n rKI lj]
3. rwj ibnW nih Drm clih hih[Drm ibnw sB dl ml jY hih[
4. gurU goibMd isMG
hm ly jwno pMQ auucyry]nhI ADogiq ibKY phuMcwvhu]
qw qy klml krn htwvau]
6. rqn isMG BMgU,pMQ pRkwS, pMnw 76-77
iPr Arjn gur hirgoibMd[KVg cikXo ijn mwr pYieMd[
mIrI pIrI doaU idKeI[Swh jhW ko hwr su deI[
7. BweI kwhn isNG nwBw, mhwn koS pMnW 416, Cwp 1999
“is`KW dw gurduAwrw ivdXwrQIAW leI skUl, Awqm jgXwsw vwilAW leI igAwn aupdySk AwcwrIX, rogIAW leI SPwKwnw, BuiKAW leI AMnpUrxw, iesqRI jwiq dI pq rKx leI lohmeI durg Aqy muswPrW leI ivSRwm dw AsQwn hY”[
8. sRI gurU gRMQ swihb, m. 1, 360
Kurwswn Ksmwnw kIAw ihMdusqwn frwieAw]
AwpY dosu n dyeI krqw jmu kir muglu cVwieAw]
9. BweI gurdws, vwr 26,pOVI 24
mMjI bih sMqoKdw kuqy riK iskwru iKlwieAw[
bwxI kir suix gWvdw kQY n suxY n gwiv suxwieAw[
syvk pws n rKIAin doKI dust AwgU muih lwieAw[
scu n lukY lukwieAw crx kvl isK Bvr luBwieAw[
Ajru jrY n Awpu jxwieAw[
10. auhI, pOVI 25
KyqI vwiV su iFMgrI ikkr Aws pws ijau bwgY [
sp plyty cMnxY bUhY jMdw kuqw jwgY[
kvlY kMfy jwxIAin isAwxw ieku koeI ivic PwgY[
ijau pwrsu ivic pQrW mix msqik ijau kwlY nwgY[
rqnu sohY gil poq ivic mYglu bDw kcY DwgY[
Bwv Bgiq BuK jwie Gir ibdru KvwlY ipMnI swgY[
crx kvl guru isK Baur swD sMgiq shlMgu sBwgY[
iprm ipAwly duqru JwgY[
11. SRI gurU gRMQ swihb, blvMf qy s‘qw, 966
Lhxy dI PyrweIAY nwnkw dohI KtIAY]joiq Ehw jugiq swie sih kwieAw Pyir pltIAY]