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Gur Panth Parkash

Gur Panth Parkash
by Rattan Singh Bhangoo
Translated by
Prof Kulwant Singh

 

BACK

The Sikh Panth

Jagjit Singh

In view of their ideology, the Sikh Gurus could not rest content merely with preaching their doctrines and leaving it at that. Their worldview impelled them to accept the challenges which the unjust caste order and the religious and political domination posed. To solve these problems, it was imperative to organize people. Institutions like the caste system and the oppressive political state could be replaced only by creating parallel institutions. There was no alternative to taking steps in this direction. Ignoring the challenges would not have solved any of the problems, nor contributed to universal humanism. It was a very difficult mission both to build new institutions, and at the same time maintain the spirit of universalism in the mass organisation.

Idealism has, except as a source of inspiration, limited social utility if it is not properly organised for social ends. This is amply illustrated by the negligible social impact of the Radical Bhakti ideology on the caste society. If idealism is to be yoked to achieving social aims, it has got to be institutionalised. In the process, it cannot escape assuming a certain distinctiveness and identity of its own. And greater the resistance to the social change, the greater has to be the emphasise on the separate identity and organisation of the new ideology.

1. Distinctiveness
The universal and non-sectarian gospel of Guru Nanak in itself became the first step in differentiating the Sikh mission from the older creeds. In his time, the Indian atmosphere was surcharged with hatred between Hindus and Muslims. They were further torn by extreme sectarian rivalry within their own ranks. Religious votaries were pigeon-holed into one sect or the other. It was not common to rise above narrow sectarian considerations. It was in this milieu that Guru Nanak declared that he was neither a Hindu nor a Mussalman. To pointed questions at different places, he replied, "I am neither a Hindu, nor a Mussalman. I accept neither the Vedas, nor the Quran."1 "If I say I am a Hindu, I am lost altogether; at the same time, I am not a Mussalman."2 He advised the yogis to rise above sectarianism and regard the whole humanity as their own.3 Besides his numerous hymns, there is the evidence of the Janamsakhis that the contemporaries of Guru Nanak were impressed by his universal humanitarian approach. When he visited the tomb of Sheikh Baha-ud-Din Zakria in Multan, the Muslim priest observed, "We know you do not discriminate between Hindus and Muslims."4 Guru Nanak advised a Muslim saint named Wali Kandhari not to discriminate between Sunnis and Rafzies, because all sects belonged to God.5 The Pathan Ubare Khan recognised that the Guru was above Hindu or Muslim sectarianism.6 When Guru Nanak settled at Kartarpur, both Hindus and Muslims used to visit him.7 Bhai Gurdas, a near contemporary of Guru Nanak, wrote : "Hindus and Muslims, forsaking their sectarianism, began to worship Baba (Guru Nanak)."8 Coming under the influence of Guru Nanak, 'Hindus and Muslims shed off their sectarianism.' At his death, Hindus and Muslims both claimed the right to perform his last rites.9 His image in the mind of the masses is reflected by the popular saying : 'Nanak Shah fakir is Guru to Hindus and Pir to the Muslims.'

Although the universalism of Guru Nanak lent its own distinctiveness to his message, the real reason which made this differentiation deep and lasting, was that his gospel cut at the roots of some of the most cherished faiths of both the Hindus and the Mussalmans. The Guru repudiated all claims to exclusive religious authority by any prophet or scripture. The Sikh Gurus accepted no authority other than that of God. "God being ineffable, Brahma and Vishnu have not found His limits; ...... He made millions of Indars and Bawans; He created and destroyed Brahmas and Shivas."10 Secondly, "In His court, there are hundreds of thousands of Muhammads, Brahmas, Vishnus and Mahesh (Shivas)."11 As regards scriptures, Guru Nanak says : "The drum of the Vedas resoundeth for many a faction. Remember God's Name, Nanak, there is none but Him."12 We have it on the authority of Dabistan that Sikhs "do not read the mantras (i.e., the Vedic or other scriptural hymns) of the Hindus, they do not venerate their temples of idols, nor do they esteem their avtars. They have no regard for the Sanskrit language which, according to the Hindus, is the speech of the angels."13 It has been seen that the demand for exclusive allegiance to religious source-heads was one of the major causes of cleavage between the Hindus and the Mohammadans. The gospel of the Sikh Gurus struck at this foundation on which the super-structure of the then existing religious sectarianism had been raised.

The grounds for the differentiation of the Gurus' message from that of the caste ideology and the caste society were far more basic. The caste ideology was the anti-thesis of humanism, and the caste society was extremely parochial in its outlook. To belong to it, it was necessary to be born within it. The land where the Varna Ashrama Dharma was not established, was regarded impure;14 and the Aryavarta, the pure land, was at one period circumscribed within the limits of the river Sindh in the north and the river Carmanvati in the South.15 The Sikh Gurus rejected almost all the cardinal beliefs of the caste society. They repudiated the authority of the Vedas and allied scriptures, discarded the theory of avtarhood, disowned all its sectarian gods, goddesses and avtars, and condemned idol worship, formalism, ritualism, and ceremonialism.

The ideology of the Sikh Gurus, thus, stood differentiated by its own logic. Its universality and humanism were compatible neither with Muslim exclusiveness, nor with the caste-ridden and sectarian orthodox Hindu society.

2. Separate Identity
Mere ideological distinctiveness was not enough. The greatest social hurdle in the way of humanism was the inequitous caste system. It could not be reformed from within. For, social inequality and hierarchism were in-built in its very constitution and mechanism. The anti-caste movements could survive only if these divorced themselves from the caste society. Buddhism organised a monastic society outside the caste ranks. But, it left its laity to remain in the caste fold. The result was that, when Brahminism reasserted itself, the lay followers of Buddhism imperceptibly moved into their caste moorings, leaving the order of monks, high and dry, in its isolation. Kabir was far more vocal than Basawa, but the Lingayats established a far more separate identity than the Kabir-panthis; because their deviations (e.g., widow remarriage, burying the dead and admission of all castes) from the caste usages were very radical. Later, the Lingayats tried to tone down their radicalism. But, inspite of this, they are, perhaps, more an appendage of the orthodox society than its integral part; because even the toned down Lingayatism is not wholly adjustable in the caste order.16 Chaitanya, who was more radical with regard to caste restrictions than the Maharashtra Bhaktas, had both low caste Hindus and Muslims as his disciples. In the Kartabha sect, which branched out of the Chaitanya School, there is no distinction between Hindus, Muslims and Christians. A Muslim has more than once risen to the rank of a teacher. The members of the sect eat together once or twice in a year.17 But, the main body of the followers of Chaitanya reverted to the caste society; and even its Kartabhai section, like the Lingayats, does not assert a distinct entity apart from the caste society. The creed of Kabir attained the stage of only a Mata (religious path), although of all the denouncers of caste considerations, he was the most unequivocal and vocal. The Kabir-panth remained a loose combination of those who were attracted by Kabir's religious appeal, or were attracted by some other considerations (e.g., julahas [weavers], who constituted the majority of the Kabir-panthis, were attracted to Kabir because he was a julaha).18

These instances leave no doubt that anti-caste movements, like those of Kabir and other Bhaktas, whose departure from the caste ideology had been confined only to the ideological plane, remained still-born in the field of social achievement. And, those like the Lingayats and the followers of Chaitanya, who, under the influence of a teacher, did adopt certain anti-caste usages, but either they did not want to break away completely from the caste society, or did not pursue their aim consistently enough, remained tagged to the caste order in one form or the other. The Buddhist monks alone could escape being swallowed by the caste society, because they had made a complete break with the caste order, both ideologically and organizationally. Accordingly, in the mediaeval period, the chances of success of any anti-caste movement were in direct proportion to the separate identity it established outside the caste society, both at the ideological and the organizational levels. And the foremost prerequisite for this purpose was a clear perception of this aim, a determined will and a consistent effort to pursue it.

The separate identity of the Sikh Panth and the Sikh movement is such a patent fact of history that it is hardly questioned. This by itself is a clear indication of the fact that the Sikh Gurus had a definite aim of giving their message a distinct and new organizational form. Otherwise, it is hard to explain why the Sikh movement should not have met the same fate as that of Lingayats and the followers of Kabir and Chaitanya. The Sikh Gurus realised, which the others did not, that, in order to give battle to the caste order, it was imperative to build a social system and organise people outside the caste-society. This process of establishing a separate society (the Sikh Panth) started with Guru Nanak himself.

Guru Nanak began his career as a teacher of men with the significant utterance that "there is no Hindu and no Mussalman." The Guru thereby wanted to emphasise the eternal unity and brotherhood of man. For the Guru, everybody was primarily a man and not a Hindu or a Mussalman. The same Janamsakhi, which gives the above story proceeds to say : "Then Guru Baba Nanak gave all his earthly belongings and went to join the company of fakirs (i.e., Muslim recluses) ...... Then people asked him, 'Nanak, earlier you were something else, i.e., Hindu, now you have become different. There is the one path of the Hindus, and the other that of Mussalmans; which path do you follow ?' Then Guru Baba Nanak said, 'There is no Hindu, no Mussalman; which of these paths can I follow ? I follow God's path. God is neither Hindu nor Mussalman. I follow God's right path.'"19

Guru Nanak's reply clearly indicates his complete break with his Hindu past. Guru Nanak clarified unambiguously that he was rejecting both the Hindu and the Muslim paths, and instead, was following God's right path, because God was neither Hindu nor Mussalman. In other words, the Guru rejects the Hindu and the Muslim paths, not because of the shortcomings of their followers, but mainly because God is non-sectarian.

We have seen that the Radical Bhaktas were not Hindu reformers. If all that they rejected is taken out of Brahminism, there is nothing of substance left that the orthodox religion could claim as exclusively its own. This applies doubly to Guru Nanak's ideology, because he was even more vehement in his criticism of Brahminism and its scriptures and practices.
The Janamsakhis also make it clear that Guru Nanak's mission was non-sectarian, and in the context of the times, a new path. "God sent (Nanak) to start a panth (religion)."20 "Nobody could make out whether he was a Hindu or a Muslim."21 Two Qazis who came to see him, came to the conclusion that he was the pir of both Hindus and Muslims. "You carry conviction with (both) Hindus and Muslims."22 "Then it became a current topic of discussion among Hindus and Muslims ...... What is his religion ? He does not follow any one of the paths of Yogis, Sanyasis, Tapasvis, Qazis, Mullahs, Hindus, Muslims, Vedas and Katebs ......"23 A Hindu Khatri complained to the Delhi Sultan that "he does not recognise the authority of either Vedas or Kateb."24

He went to preach his message in Muslim countries, and was warned of the hazards to his life for doing so. If he had been a mere Hindu reformer or a sectarian, there was no point in his going to far off lands, because no Hindu could ever contemplate converting Muslims to Hinduism. In addition, we have the evidence of Bhai Gurdas who wrote : "(Guru Nanak) vanquished the Sidhas in discussion, and made a separate Panth of his own."25 "Opening the Book, (they) asked who is better, Hindu or Mussalman ?"26 "(Guru Nanak replied) They (Hindus and Mussalmans) quarrel with each other, (but) Ram and Rahim are on the same footing."27 "Nanak struck his own coin in this world, and created a pure Panth."28

Further, Guru Nanak took clear organizational steps in shaping a Sikh society on separate ideological lines. He established dharmsalas in far-flung places inside the country and outside it.29 These dharmsalas became the centres where his followers could meet together, practise the dharm of his concept, and spread his message to others. In addition, he appointed select persons (manjis) for the purpose of furthering his mission.30 In his lifetime, his followers came to be known as Nanakpanthis, and they had their own separate way of saluting each other (Sat Kartar).31

The greatest single organizational step that Guru Nanak took was to select, by a system of tests, a worthy successor to lead and continue his mission. He was named Angad, i.e., a limb of Guru Nanak himself. It is recorded in Guru Granth Sahib that the change-over from Nanak to his successors meant only a change of bodily forms, otherwise, the same light shone in them and they followed the same course.32 Bhai Gurdas also writes that Guru Nanak established a pure Panth, blended his light with that of Angad, and nominated him in his place as the Guru of that Panth.33 Guru Nanak directed his successor Guru Angad not to remain absorbed wholly in meditation, but to devote his time to the shaping of the Panth.34 The same instructions were passed on by Angad to his successor Amar Das,35 and this mission was continued by the later Gurus.36 This evidence is of great value because it embodies an altogether new tradition. This could be true only of the Sikh Gurus, because nowhere else in the Indian religious tradition were social objectives given preference over personal spiritual bliss.

Guru Nanak had started the institution of dharamsalas (religious centres), sangat (congregations of his followers), langar (common kitchen and manjis (seats of preaching). The succeeding Gurus further consolidated and extended these institutions. Guru Amar Das systematised this institution of manjis, and created twenty-two centres for the extension of the mission. Persons of high religious calibre were nominated to these offices. They were in charge of the Guru's followers in an area, and catered to their religious as well as temporal needs. They were the links of the organization and two-way channels of communication between the Guru and the sangat. They collected the offerings, and passed the same on to the central treasury, where these were used by the Guru for the purposes of the mission. Guru Arjun regularised the collection of these contributions. He required every Sikh to set apart one tenth of his income for the common cause. When Guru Nanak settled at Kartarpur after completing his missionary tours, the place became the central dharamsala, the focal meeting place for his followers. Guru Amar Das made Goindwal the centre of his mission. He fixed two occasions when the Guru's followers should come from far and near for general meetings of the Panth. Guru Ram Das and Guru Arjun extended these centres to Tarn Taran and Amritsar. In the course of time, the latter place became to the Sikhs what Mecca is to the Muslims.

In addition to the consolidation of these institutions initiated by Guru Nanak, Guru Angad invented the Gurmukhi script and Guru Arjun compiled the Sikh scripture. These two steps went a long way in establishing the separate identity of the Sikhs. With a distinct organization, separate religious centres, a separate script, and a scripture of their own, they became an entirely separate church and a new society. It is not our purpose to go into the details of the organizational steps taken by the Gurus, but it may be mentioned that the militarisation of the movement, as will be seen, only added a new dimension to this development. Even before this militarisation, the Sikh movement had established a firm and a separate organizational identity known as the Sikh Panth.

3. Identity and Universality
While repudiating claims of others to exclusive religious authority, the Sikh Gurus did not advance any such claim on their own behalf. Guru Nanak calls himself "lowest of the low."37 Guru Ram Das describes himself to be the meanest of the whole creation38 and Guru Gobind Singh regards himself as "the slave of the Supreme Being."39 Of the ten Sikh Gurus, the hymns of seven have been recorded. In not a single hymn do they indicate any claim to exclusive religious authority. It was Guru Gobind Singh, the creator of the brotherhood of the Khalsa — a body devoted to the service of humanity — who specifically made it clear that the Hindu temple and the mosque, are the same; and that the whole humanity is to be regarded as one.40

The single greatest step that the Sikh Gurus took to prevent religious authority becoming the source of sectarianism was to detach ideology from the person of the ideologue. It was the eternal spirit, the doctrine, the tenet, or the principle, which was made supreme over and above the person or the teacher, the Guru or the prophet. When Guru Nanak nominated Angad as his successor, he (Nanak) laid his head at the feet of Angad as a mark of homage.41 It is significant that Guru Nanak did not bow before Lehna (i.e., the disciple who was not yet perfect), but bowed before Angad, the person who had then become the head and represented the spirit of the mission. As soon as the same spirit was enshrined in both, the distinction between the Guru and the disciple was obliterated. Satta and Balwand, in their hymns recorded in Guru Granth Sahib, and Bhai Gurdas, have made this point absolutely clear, "The light was the same, the system was the same, the only change was a change of bodies."42 "Nanak blended his light with his (Angad's light), (and in this way) the Satguru Nanak transformed his form."43 Not only the distinction between one Guru and the other Guru disappeared, but the distinction between the Guru and all those Sikhs who had imbibed in toto the Guru's spirit, also disappeared. Guru Hargobind touched the feet of Bhai Budha to pay him homage.44 And by conferring Guruship on Guru Granth Sahib, Guru Gobind Singh emphasised two points. First, that the Guruship was not embodied in any person but in the principle and the spirit he enshrined; and second, that it was the ideology that mattered, and not its source, because, the hymns of the Bhakti saints incorporated in Guru Granth Sahib were to be as sacred to the Sikhs as the hymns of the Sikh Gurus.

The Sikh tradition is replete with instances showing the cosmopolitan spirit of the Sikh Gurus. "The Hindus reject Muslims, and the Muslims reject the Hindus. God has ordained me (Nanak) to act upon the four Katebs. The merit does not lie in reading or hearing them, but lies in living them in life."45 Guru Amar Das sent Prema to a Muslim saint for getting himself cured,46 and made Alayar, a Muslim, one of his priests, who drew no distinction between Hindus and Muhammadans.47 Guru Arjun incorporated in Guru Granth Sahib the hymns of two Muslim saints, Farid and Bhikan, thus giving them equal status with the hymns of the Gurus. He got the foundation stone of the premier Sikh temple laid by the famous Sufi saint, Mian Mir. Guru Hargobind, who was the first to raise the standard of armed revolt against the Mughals, and fought six battles against them, built, on his own, a mosque when he founded the new township of Hargobindpur.48 It was Guru Gobind Singh who created the Khalsa to wage a relentless struggle against the religious and political tyranny of the Mughal empire, but his hymns leave no doubt about his cosmopolitan approach : "What is a Hindu or Muslim to him, from whose heart doubt departeth."49 At a period when Muslim sentiment against the Sikhs had crystallised, many a noble spirit among the Muslims recognised the non-sectarian character of the Guru's mission. Budhu Shah was a known Muslim divine. He himself, his brother, his four sons and seven hundred disciples fought for the Guru. During the struggle, two of his sons died fighting,50 and he himself was tortured to death by Osman Khan for having sided with the Guru.51 Saiyed Beg, one of Aurangzeb's generals, who was in command of five thousand men, changed his mind at a critical moment in the course of the battle, and "threw in his lot with the Sikhs, and contributed all his wealth towards their struggle against the Muhammadans ......"52 Later, Saiyed Beg died fighting for the Guru in another action.53 Another general, Saiyed Khan, sent by the Emperor Aurangzeb to subdue the Guru, also left the imperial forces, and voluntarily submitted himself to the Guru.54 By far the best instance of the cosmopolitan spirit of the movement is the story of Kanahiya, who, during the critical battle at Anandpur, used to offer water and assistance with absolute impartiality to the wounded both among the Sikhs and the enemy forces. When questioned, Kanahiya quoted the Guru's own instructions that one should look on all men with an equal eye. The Guru complimented him for displaying the true spirit of a Sikh.55 The author of Hakikat attested to it in 1783 (i.e., after the Sikhs had passed through the severest persecution at the hands of the Muslim rulers) that, "In his (Nanak's) religion, there is very little prejudice against the Muslims, nay, they have practically no prejudice against any nation."56

It is important to understand that this cosmopolitan Sikh tradition could not be born either out of Muslim exclusiveness, or the caste ideology of the Hindus. Only the Radical Bhaktas shared this outlook, but they never ventured in the social or organizational field. The Bhaktamala, the only earlier record of their lives, does not mention the shaping of any such tradition. Therefore, the very existence and persistence of the Sikh tradition is a strong indication of the universal character of the Sikh movement.

The really important point to be noted is that for the practice of their universal humanism, the Sikh Gurus established the forums of the Sikh Panth. Their universalism had distinct social aims. This was their major difference with the Radical Bhaktas who never tried to institutionalise their ideology. The Sikh Gurus were deeply committed to achieving practical social goals. It was the inner compulsion both of their religion and universalism that prompted them to create a new path and a Panth, so as to give practical shape to a programme that directly militated, on the one hand, against the caste ideology and, on the other, against the Shariat of the ruling Islam in India. Just as in the case of the doctrine of ahimsa, they did not make a fetish of universalism so as to allow it to be used as a cover for inaction, and for ignoring their avowed social goals. The Gurus never wanted the Hindus to remain as Hindus in a manner which left the caste system and its anti-humanism intact. Similarly, they did not want the Muslims to remain as Muslims in a manner which led to Shariatic exclusiveness and, its corollary, the religious domination over non-Muslims. All that Guru Nanak wanted was that Hindus should be Hindus of his concept, and that Muslims should be Muslims of his concept. His hymns leave no doubt on this issue. For these clearly commend the acceptance of values and virtues instead of the formalism and ritualism of the old religions. "Make kindness thy mosque, sincerity thy prayer carpet; and what is just and lawful thy Quran. Modesty thy circumcision; civility thy fasting; so shall thou be a Musalman."57 "A Musalman is he who cleaneth his impurity."58 "(A Muslim) dwells on the Shariat. But, they alone are perfect who surrender their self to see God."59 "He who instructeth all the four castes in the Lord's Wisdom, Nanak, such a Pandit I salute for ever."60 "Yoga is neither in the patched coat, nor in the yogi's staff, nor in besmearing oneself with ashes ...... If one looketh upon all the creation alike, he is acclaimed as a true yogi."61 This meant pure and simple humanism and the abolition of all those institutions which were unjust or aggressive. The creation of parallel institutions to replace the anti-humanistic ones, e.g., the caste society and the tyrannical state, was an indispensable prerequisite. It was for this purpose that the Sikh Gurus organised the Sikh Panth. But, they scrupulously maintained the spirit of humanism and universality in that organisation. The universalism of the Sikh Gurus was not of that hue which is self-satisfied in remaining in an amorphous state and does not aspire institutionalisation for a humanitarian purpose. At the same time, the Sikh Panth was not created just to add another sect; it was established to serve an egalitarian cause.

~~~

REFRENCES

1. Janamsakhi, Bhai Bala, p. 292.
2. Janamsakhi, Bhai Mani Singh Wali (Janamsakhi Prampra, edited by Kirpal Singh, Antka, p. 333).
3. Guru Granth Sahib, p. 6.
4. Janamsakhi Meharbanwali, edited by Kirpal Singh, p. 439.
5. Janamsakhi, Bhai Bala, p. 270; Janamsakhi Prampra, Antka, p. 307.
6. Ibid., p. 293.
7. Janamsakhi, Walaitwali, Sakhi Guru Angad ji nun Guriayee; Janamsakhi, Meharbanwali, p. 517.
8. Bhai Gurdas, Var One, Pauri 34.
9. Janamsakhi,Walaitwali, Sakhi Guru Angad ji nun Guriayee; Janamsakhi Prampra, Antka, pp. 57, 401.
10. Macauliffe, Vol. V, p. 262.
11. Janamsakhi, Bhai Mani Singh Wali (Janamsakhi Prampra, Antka, p. 334.)
12. Macauliffe, Vol. I, p. 369.
13. Dabistan, trans. by Ganda Singh : The Panjab Past and Present (1969), p. 51.
14. Max Weber, p. 7.
15. Alberuni's India,Vol. II, p. 134.
16. Tara Chand, p. 117.
17. Ibid., pp. 219-220.
18. Rose, Vol. II, p. 419.
19. Janamsakhi, Meharban Wali, pp. 10-12.
20. Ibid., p. 89.
21. Janamsakhi Prampra, Antka, p. 174.
22. Ibid., p. 204.
23. Ibid., p. 200.
24. Janamsakhi Bhai Bala, p. 279. Latif, p. 245.
25. Bhai Gurdas, Var One, Pauri 31.
26. Ibid., Pauri 33.
27. Ibid.
28. Ibid., Pauri 45.
29. Janamsakhi Prampra, Antka, pp. 124, 125, 127,174, etc.
30. Ibid., pp. 44, 48, 259, 268.
31. Ibid., pp. 106, 110, 121, 124, 127, 131, 133, 132, etc.
32. Guru Granth Sahib, p. 966.
33. Bhai Gurdas, Var One, Pauri 45.
34. Mehma Parkash, I, p, 326; II, p. 9.
35. Ibid., II, p. 57.
36. Ibid., pp. 95, 103, 233, 358.
37. Guru Granth Sahib, p. 15.
38. Ibid., p. 1295.
39. Macauliffe, Vol. V, p. 300.
40. Ibid., pp. 275-6.
41. Janamsakhi Walaitwali, Sakhi Guriayee Guru Angad.
42. Guru Granth Sahib, p. 966.
43. Bhai Gurdas, Var One, Pauri, 45.
44. Gurbilas Chhevin Patshahi, p. 341.
45. Mehma Parkash, I, p. 217.
46. Ibid., II, p. 246.
47. Macauliffe, II, p. 77.
48. Gurbilas Chhevin Patshahi, pp. 337, 340.
49. Macauliffe, Vol. V, p. 308.
50. Macauliffe, Vol. V, pp. 33, 37, 38, 42.
51. Ganda Singh : The Panjab Past and Present, Oct., 1975, p. 446.
52. Macauliffe, Vol. V, pp. 153-154.
53. Ibid., p.162.
54. Ibid., p. 163.
55. Ibid., pp. 173-174; Koer Singh, Gurbilas Patshahi Das, pp. 189-190.
56. Indian Historical Quarterly, March, 1942 sup., p. 3; Rose, I, p. 688.
57. Macauliffe, Vol. I, p. 38.
58. Ibid., p. 339.
59. Guru Granth Sahib, p. 465.
60. Ibid., p. 274.
61. Ibid., p. 730.

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